Think Tanks and the Rise of the Knowledge Economy: Their Linkages with National Politics and External Donors

This chapter from the book Think Tanks and Public Policies in Latin America assesses the linkages think tanks have with national (and local) political processes and actors in the developing world, and considers the implications of these relationships on think tanks' research priorities, policy messages, and policy-influencing channels. The chapter's authors also explore the extent to which the supply of policy research at the national level is satisfying demand for knowledge from policymakers.

"Think tanks" are defined here as organisations that: (i) produce research products that inform decisionmaking on specific policy issues at various levels of political authority, and (ii) influence policy content. Policy research centres associated with academic institutions and research-focused non-governmental organisations (NGOs), as well as party and state-affiliated institutes, are included in this analysis. Based on this definition, the authors undertook a review of selected literature of think tanks in developing countries. In addition, structured interviews (administered face-to-face, by telephone, and through email), each lasting between 60 to 90 minutes, were carried out with key informants from organisations pursuing policy research, analysis, and influence in Central and Eastern Europe (the Czech Republic), Africa (Uganda, Ghana, and South Africa) and Asia (India, Indonesia, and South Korea).

Key communication-related findings include:

• Generally, the rise of think tanks has been associated with (re)emergence of political democracy across many parts of the world and the increasing recognition of the importance of civil society in promoting democratic consolidation and good governance. Improvements in relations between governments and civil society have led to the perceived democratisation of knowledge.
• In Latin America, policymakers use evidence from a range of sources. Informal relations often provide initial linkages that are frequently institutionalised by political parties or social movements and then governments (not necessarily by the parliamentary groups). In addition to funding issues, collaboration is limited by the strong role that informal but singular relations play in defining the relations between think tanks and policymakers.
• Think tank development in the post-communist era in Central and Eastern Europe was largely shaped by a lack of funding for research institutes, political competition over policy ideas, and the increased complexity of governance and policymaking. Strategies to influence policy have included affiliating with a political party and working closely with the media. However, in a largely closed policy environment, most think tanks rely on informal links with policymakers. Some think tanks have formed alliances with other think tanks in the region.
• Given the centralised nature of many African governments today, formal opportunities to influence policy are, as reported here, limited. Think tanks have often competed with policy advice generated by more influential international institutions. Some think tanks have inserted themselves into the legislative process, seeking to influence politicians with, for instance, short memos. The media has played a key role in channelling public opinion to policymakers, with many think tanks prioritising television appearances and newspaper articles as key tools to shape their public image and credibility. They have often carved out a niche for journalists. However, as an interviewee notes, the quality of engagement (and the capacity of the media) is still relatively weak. As noted here, activist organisations have made requests from think tanks for relevant research and, conversely, think tanks have often transmitted research findings through activist organisations. Links with advocacy NGOs through key national civil society organisation (CSO) networks are described here as providing opportunities for think tanks to "download" information and analysis for other advocacy NGOs to pick up and use to advocate for policy change.
• In South Asia, "Indian think tanks have used a number of channels and interfaces to influence policymakers. Academics with links to senior government officials and/or politicians have often been viewed as key intermediaries. Think tanks have also established alliances with advocacy oriented NGOs to communicate research findings."
• Think tanks in Southeast Asia have "often had extensive involvement in informal diplomacy with involvement in this network giving them a high level of political access. However, networking requires resources and accordingly not all think tanks in the region were able to participate in global and regional think tank interactions. By contrast, and perhaps due to the restrictions of the political environment...Southeast Asian institutes have focussed less on issues of regime transition, democratisation, or civil society development."
• Reflections from Northeast Asia: "Although China's history and politics have hindered the creation of independent think tanks that conduct policy analysis and programme evaluation, new influential think tanks are developing within Chinese universities....Think tanks are also involved in experimental forms of democracy, leading public consultations, expert meetings and undertaking surveys - facilitating knowledge transmission from the grassroots up to regional and national decision making structures..."

Concluding communication-related reflections: "In all cases, personal/informal linkages are a more important channel to influence policy than institutional linkages. Formal or informal meetings/workshops with policymakers appear as important as public meetings. The media has also emerged as an important player in Central and Eastern Europe and Latin America, but this is less so in Asia. Both formal and informal networks with other knowledge producers, such as prominent academics, appear to play an important role in claiming credibility for certain policy messages. These linkages have taken the form of formal pro-bono work or more informal connections through alumni associations, as well as the relative fluidity of people moving between state and non-state institutions. In Latin America, legitimacy is often gained from links with highly visible NGOs which claim to represent citizens' voices. Although competition between different genres of think tanks for funding and influence emerged as an important issue historically, there appears to be a trend in a number of countries towards greater cooperation through issue-based alliances."